Editorials

Is this really the defense posture for a grave security situation? (KOR)

A string of errors, from unloaded rifles to drone misidentifications, is deepening concerns over Korea's readiness and command stability.

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Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back speaks during an roundtable session at the Korea Military Academy in northern Seoul on May 27.
Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back speaks during a roundtable session at the Korea Military Academy in northern Seoul on May 27.

Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back convened a meeting of the military’s top commanders on Monday and ordered a special inspection of discipline across the armed forces. The move followed a series of troubling incidents, including an Army 1st Corps operation along the western front in which soldiers reportedly stood guard with unloaded rifles. In another embarrassing episode, an American drone participating in a joint U.S.-South Korea exercise was nearly shot down after being mistaken for a North Korean drone because a mission report had not been properly relayed. The opposition party also raised allegations Tuesday that the 1st Corps had again mistaken a drone launched by the Army’s test and evaluation unit for an enemy aircraft and issued an air-defense alert.

The state of the military today appears far removed from President Lee Jae Myung’s directive at a March commanders’ meeting to maintain the highest level of defense readiness in preparation for the country’s grave security environment.

For more than a year since taking office, the government has been conducting investigations related to the declaration of martial law. Commanders have been abruptly replaced, and acting leadership has become commonplace, throwing the military’s chain of command into disarray. Amid the confusion, reports have emerged of anonymous complaints and behind-the-scenes lobbying aimed at securing promotions, practices long associated with the military’s internal culture. At the same time, the government’s push to merge the three military academies as part of its reform agenda has fueled friction between the Army and the government, as well as among the Army, Navy and Air Force. Voices of disappointment are growing over the Ahn Gyu-back Defense Ministry, the first civilian-led defense leadership in 64 years.

The Korean-U.S. alliance, the backbone of the country’s security, is also showing signs of strain as disputes intensify over the government’s push to restore the Sept. 19 inter-Korean military agreement as a confidence-building measure, allegations involving the leakage of military secrets and the transfer of wartime operational control.

In light of the recent drone incident, Defense Minister Ahn’s May remark that “there would be no major problem even if wartime operational control were returned tomorrow,” along with President Lee’s instruction that “officials should say there is no problem whatsoever,” sounds hollow. When basic communication between the Korean and U.S. militaries — and even within Korea’s own armed forces — fails to function properly, leaving troops unable to determine in time whether an aircraft is friend or foe, it is reasonable to ask whether the public can accept the transfer of wartime operational control during this administration’s term.


The government has repeatedly emphasized that peace on the Korean Peninsula rests on two pillars: strong military capabilities and an airtight defense posture. The Defense Ministry has argued that an army unable to make its own decisions cannot become a truly strong military, citing that principle as a reason for transferring operational control.

The government should ask itself whether, in light of these recent incidents, the public can genuinely feel secure enough to go about their daily lives.



이것이 엄중한 안보 상황에 대비한 방위태세인가

안규백 국방부 장관이 그제(3일) 전군 주요지휘관회의를 소집하고 전군을 대상으로 특별 기강 점검을 지시했다. 서부 최전선을 지키는 1군단의 ‘빈총 경계 작전’과 작전 보고 누락으로 한·미 연합훈련 중인 미군 무인기를 북한 무인기로 오인해 격추할 뻔한 황당한 사태가 발생한 데 따른 것이다. 야당은 어제도 육군 시험평가단이 띄운 드론을 1군단이 또다시 적기로 오인해 대공 준비태세를 발령했다는 의혹까지 제기했다. 요즘 군의 모습을 보면 엄중한 안보 상황에 대비해 최상의 군비 태세를 갖추라는 이재명 대통령의 지시(2026년 3월 전군지휘관회의)와는 사뭇 거리가 멀다.

출범 이후 정부는 1년 넘게 계엄 관련 수사를 진행하고 있다. 이로 인해 하루아침에 지휘관이 교체되고, 대행 체제가 일상화되는 등 우리 군 지휘 체계는 혼란에 빠져 있다. 혼란의 틈바구니를 비집고 군 특유의 진급을 위한 투서와 줄대기가 횡행하고 있다고 한다. 군 개혁의 일환으로 사관학교 통합을 밀어붙이면서 육군과 정부, 육·해·공 3군 간 갈등과 반목도 이어지고 있다. 64년 만에 문민 국방장관으로 취임한 안규백 체제에 대한 실망의 목소리가 곳곳에서 터져나오고 있는 실정이다.

남북관계 개선을 위한 9·19 군사합의 선제적 복원 추진, 군사기밀 유출 논란, 전시작전통제권 전환 등을 놓고 갈등이 심화되면서 안보의 중추인 한·미 동맹도 흔들리는 조짐을 보이고 있다. 이번 무인기 오인 사태를 보면 “내일 전작권이 회수되더라도 크게 문제가 없다”(26년 5월 미래국방전략위원회)는 안 장관의 발언이나 “아무 문제가 없다고 해야 맞다”는 이 대통령의 지시는 그저 공허하게 들릴 뿐이다. 한·미 군 당국과 우리 군 내의 기본적인 의사소통도 제대로 이뤄지지 않아 아군인지, 적군인지도 제때 파악하지 못하는 상황에서 과연 국민이 임기 내 전작권 전환을 납득할 수 있을지 의문이다.

정부는 한반도 평화를 강조하면서 대전제로 강한 국방력과 빈틈없는 방위태세를 강조해 왔다. 국방부는 스스로 결심할 수 없는 군은 강군이 될 수 없다며 전작권 전환의 필요성을 역설했다. 이런 발언들을 믿고 지금 국민이 안심하고 생업에 종사할 수 있을지 정부는 자문해 봐야 한다.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.